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SDG Library - Grand challenge: Political Polarization Module

Content produced by Hanken School of Economics

Module: Growing political polarization between urban centres and peripheries in terms of sustainability

Introduction to political polarization in terms of sustainability

Within the Global North, the highly developed urban centres tend to vote for ‘liberals’, who often call for policies that are increasingly framed as ‘green’. Meanwhile, the (often rural or semi-rural) areas that have become increasingly marginalized as a result of globalization tend to vote comparatively more for so-called ‘populists’, sometimes labelled ‘illiberal’. The use of the term illiberal is loaded and often meant to disqualify these views, as it refers to a radical rejection of the values of liberalism, which the mainstream media typically portray as universally desirable. In line with this electoral trend, those sustainability policies driven by the parties that are successful in the urban centres (for example higher taxes on fossil fuels) tend not to be accepted in the marginalized peripheries. This has led to political crises in many countries, with various forms of (often far-right) populism on the rise. Some of these populist leaders and/or groups explicitly reject sustainability policies and have made this rejection a key strategic move, as in the example of the ‘True Finns’ party in Finland. In some countries, new large-scale social movements have emerged as a reaction to carbon policies, as in the example of the ‘Yellow Vests’ in France. Beyond the threat to democracy that many see these populist movements leading to, there is potentially a serious threat to the belated sustainability efforts (notably in relation to global heating) which are needed to keep the planet as liveable as possible.

SDG 13 Climate Action is the most obvious link here, but in the case of far-right populist movements seeing themselves as an antithesis of green and/or liberal parties that appeal to metropolitan populations, many other SDGs can be affected by their approach to politics. Their rejection of contemporary policies on civil rights of minorities and climate action may for example have negative impacts from the perspective of SDGs 4 Quality Education and 5 Gender Equality. However, what makes this challenge particularly difficult to address is that liberal policies have historically led to the marginalization of the peripheries, and populist movements often rise due to a demand for reducing inequalities (SDG 10). From this perspective, mainstream sustainability policies are often perceived as unfair, disproportionately affecting communities that are already struggling and increasingly marginalized.

Podcast: Political polarization of Sustainability

To learn how sustainability is linked to political polarization, with particular illustrations from Finland, listen to Martin Fougère, an Professor in Management and Politics at Hanken, Hanna Lempinen, postdoctoral researcher in the Department of Forest Sciences at the University of Helsinki, and Heikki Sirviö, postdoctoral researcher in geography with at the University of Helsinki.

Blog and podcast episode

Episode transcript

Readings

All accessible via Google Scholar:

On peat energy in Finland: Lempinen, H. (2019). “Barely surviving on a pile of gold”: Arguing for the case of peat energy in 2010s Finland. Energy Policy, 128, 1-7.

On the Yellow Vests in France: Martin, M., & Islar, M. (2020). The ‘end of the world’ vs. the ‘end of the month’: understanding social resistance to sustainability transition agendas, a lesson from the Yellow Vests in France. Sustainability Science, 1-14.

On the populist parties in the Nordic countries: Vihma, A., Reischl, G., & Nonbo Andersen, A. (2021). A Climate Backlash: Comparing Populist Parties’ Climate Policies in Denmark, Finland, and Sweden. The Journal of Environment & Development, 10704965211027748.

Quiz (multiple choice)

Question 1: The question of peat energy is central in Finnish politics because (based on the podcast and Lempinen 2019)

a. Peat energy represents a huge share of energy production in Finland

b. Peat energy is an environmentally sustainable option

c. Peat energy has become an established livelihood in many Finnish rural communities

d. Peat energy is supported by one of the major parties in Finland

(Answer: a. Wrong, negligible share of energy; b. Wrong, particularly in terms of climate impacts it cannot be seen as sustainable; c. Correct, there is strong attachment to peat energy in many Finnish rural communities; d. Correct, in 2021 the Finnish Centre Party (Keskusta) still sees peat energy as a key interest of its electorate)

Question 2: The French Yellow Vests movement has rejected some sustainability policies because (based on the podcast and Martin and Islar 2020)

a. These policies can lead to heightened socio-economic inequalities

b. People from the movement feel left behind

c. These policies are perceived as unjust

d. The movement is against sustainability

(Answer: a. Correct, many studies show that a carbon tax, while a good option to transition towards fewer greenhouse gas emissions, needs to be accompanied by measures compensating those people highly dependent on cars for their lives and livelihoods, and the French policies that the Yellow Vests resisted clearly lacked such compensatory measures; b. Correct, it has been found to be an important driver for the Yellow Vests movement; c. Correct, as follows from a. and b.; d. Wrong, while the question of “the end of the month” might take precedence over the question of “the end of the world” for many in the movement, this does not mean they necessarily refuse the need to do something about climate change and other sustainability issues)

Question 3: The populist parties in the Nordic countries reject ambitious climate policies because (based on the podcast and Vihma et al. 2021)

a. They see climate change as a key aspect of contemporary identity politics.

b. They are climate change denialists

c. They find climate policies to be about consensus and political correctness

d. They are climate policy nationalists

(Answer: a. Correct, they use the climate question as one that distinguishes their base from the base of the ‘green’ and ‘progressive’ parties; b. Wrong, they have mostly moved away from denialism; c. Correct, they use the climate question as one where only they have a rational political position while all other parties lack a position of their own due to a consensus bias; d. Correct, they use the climate question as a matter of national interests, notably in relation to competitiveness)


Group Discussion

  1. At the core of the question of peat energy are different understandings of sustainability: in short, a priority given to the question of greenhouse gas emissions versus a priority given to the preservation of rural livelihoods as a matter of local socio-economic sustainability. How do you think such different views of sustainability can be effectively arbitrated, in ways that do not heighten political polarizations? What could the role of the SDGs be in this process of arbitration?
  2. The political polarizations in all three cases relate to a geographical opposition between centre(s) and periphery(ies), and the rise of ‘populism’ has been associated with this geographical divide. Why do you think the demands of the people from the peripheries tend to be taken up by ‘populist’ parties or candidates? Drawing on the podcast discussion, reflect on what might make the traditional ‘liberal’ economic and political view comparatively ill-equipped to cater for those people who feel ‘left behind’ in contemporary societies in the Global North.
  3. The question of economic sustainability and competitiveness is often brought up, both at local and national levels, to oppose ambitious climate policies. Discuss what you think could make ambitious climate policies a better ‘sell’ from the economic perspective on different scales: regional (e.g., EU), national (e.g., Finland) and local (e.g., rural areas).
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